Tuesday, November 3, 2026

 You've heard about how PAMA affects different groups - big labs, small labs, physician labs, and the labs of different medical specialties.

Here, I used the assumption that PAMA pricing was pushed all the way - that tomorrow's prices were set at the actual medians found in PAMA data.   

My assumption was, we'd see a normal or Gaussian distribution around the average price cut.  But no.  For the whole population of providers (with >$50,000 Medicare lab income), the distribution of losses is very irregular.

I divided these into four groups:

  1. Group 1, Winners (N=82+80)
  2. Group 2, Average (N=1758)
  3. Group 3, Losers (N=984)
  4. Group 4, Big Losers (N=15+123)
Here's the view, click to enlarge:

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AI CORNER
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Four Populations, One Fee Schedule:
Reading the Fully-Phased PAMA Impact

Nov 3, 2026 · @Bruce Quinn

Introduction

Suppose PAMA's private-payer medians were applied to Medicare lab pricing in one stroke, with no 15%-a-year phase-in and no further congressional delays. The intuitive answer is "everyone takes about a 16% haircut," which is the aggregate figure CMS has reported. The intuitive answer is wrong. Line up every provider with at least $50,000 in 2026 Medicare lab revenue (4,855 NPIs, about $5.8 billion in baseline payments), sort them by fully-phased percent change, and you do not get a bell curve. You get two tall peaks, a small cluster hugging zero, and a tail of providers losing 40% or more.

The $920 million aggregate cut works out to 15.8%, almost exactly what CMS said. But that average describes almost nobody. The histogram is a distribution of code portfolios, and code portfolios sort by specialty with remarkable discipline. This post walks through four groups descriptively, then asks, as a microeconomist would, what is really going on in each.

One housekeeping note: the rows are NPIs, not consolidated companies. That turns out to be a feature. The same corporation can land in three groups under three NPIs, and that tells you something.

Orientation: The Shape of the Distribution

The histogram uses fifteen four-point bins from −46% to +6%, with edge bars catching anything beyond. Two spikes dominate. The first, at −18% to −14%, holds 1,758 providers, over a third of the population. The second, at −30% to −26%, holds 994, about a fifth. Between them sit three modest bins (310, 256, 724). To the right of the main peak the counts collapse to 71, 82, and 80 in the three bins nearest zero. To the left of the second peak the tail runs 290, 150, 123, and finally 15. Two providers actually gain.

We carved out four clusters for discussion. They are not exhaustive; roughly 1,800 providers fall in the connective tissue between them.

Group 1, Winners (N=162): −6% to +2%. Essentially untouched.

Group 2, Average (N=1,758): −18% to −14%. Close to the headline CMS number.

Group 3, Losers (N=994): −30% to −26%. Nearly double the headline.

Group 4, Big Losers (N=138): −46% to −38%. Since the statutory 15%-per-year phase-in compounds to only −38.6% after three years, this group is defined by cuts that take four or more years to fully unwind.

The dollars are as lopsided as the counts, in the opposite direction. Group 1 holds $1.1 billion in baseline, 19% of the total, but absorbs $6 million of the cut, under 1% of the pain. Group 2 holds $2.4 billion and absorbs $398 million, almost exactly proportional. Group 3 holds $720 million but absorbs $200 million, 22% of the pain on 12% of the dollars. Group 4 is a rounding error in aggregate, $21 million, though not to the practices inside it.

Group 1: The Winners Did Not Bargain Best

The 162 providers nearest zero split cleanly by bin.

The 80 in the −2% to +2% bin are the proprietary molecular diagnostics industry. Several sit at exactly 0.00%.

The adjacent 82 at −6% to −2% have a different character: 34 clinical labs, but also 29 ophthalmology and optometry practices, which is every eye-care provider in the eligible population, nearly all at a modeled change of −2.00% to two decimal places. That is not twenty-nine negotiations converging. That is one code with a −2% adjustment and a specialty that bills little else on the CLFS. This bin also holds academic reference labs (Mayo, Washington University, Johns Hopkins) and specialty molecular firms (Exagen, Biodesix, Interpace, Assurex) that are lightly exposed to a commoditized code or two.

Two providers gain outright: Caris at +44% and Pacific Edge at +33%, both proprietary molecular tests. It's rare but when the private median exceeds the Medicare rate, PAMA raises the rate, and the increase carries no phase-in cap.

Group 2: Mainstream Medicine Plus the Duopoly

The main peak is the clinical mainstream. Internal medicine (474) and family practice (247) make up 41% of the group; hematology-oncology and medical oncology add 275; endocrinology, rheumatology, nephrology, and cardiology add 272. These are practices running routine chemistry, hematology, and endocrine panels.

The 354 clinical labs are where the money is. Labcorp's North Carolina NPI ($208 million, −17.7%) and New Jersey NPI ($146 million, −16.0%), Quest's New Jersey ($113 million, −16.5%) and Florida ($106 million, −16.9%) entities, Unilab, Sonora Quest, and a parade of other Labcorp and Quest state entities all land within a point or two of −16.5%. The national labs are, by construction, the "average" cut, and I argue below that this is a mechanism rather than a coincidence.

What is absent is as telling as what is present. Zero pain management or anesthesiology providers. Only 28 nurse practitioners and 19 urologists out of 1,758.

Group 3: A Specialty Roster - It's Not a Random Draw

The second peak looks nothing like the first. Nurse practitioners (197) and physician assistants (90) make up 29%. Urology contributes 131, most of the eligible urologists. Pain management, interventional pain, and anesthesiology contribute 192. Podiatry contributes 38 of the 41 podiatrists in the study.

The 241 clinical labs are a distinctive cohort too: HealthTrackRx ($49 million, −27.9%), CAP Diagnostics, Sierra Genomics, Genetic Technological Innovations, Patients Choice of Indiana, and a long list of Texas, California, Florida, and Arizona LLCs named Lone Star Tox Screen, RealTox, QualiTox, DrugScan, Equaltox, Dominion. Many bunch at −29% to −30%, the group's left edge. A pathologist recognizes the toxicology and PCR-panel sector without being told.

One corporate detail deserves a pause. A Labcorp NPI in North Carolina sits in Group 3 at −29.2% on $9.6 million, while the Labcorp flagship sits in Group 2 at −17.7% and a small Labcorp NPI in New York sits in Group 1 at −5%. Quest has an Oregon NPI in Group 1 at −6%. BioReference has a Texas NPI at 0.0% and its New Jersey flagship at −19.7%. Same company, same contracting department, same leverage, three groups. Whatever is sorting providers, it is not bargaining power.

Group 4: Small Dollars, One-Code Portfolios

The 138 providers losing 38% or more total only $21 million in baseline, but they lose roughly 40 cents on the dollar. Nurse practitioners (41), physician assistants (22), pain and interventional pain (32), anesthesiology (16), and PM&R (9) make up 87% of the group, mostly individual practitioners with $50,000 to $150,000 baselines in Texas, Oklahoma, Michigan, Florida, and New Jersey.

The exceptions are a dozen clinical labs, two of them surprising: Invitae ($753,000 under this NPI, −42.9%) and Baylor Miraca Genetics ($709,000, −39.9%) are germline genetics labs, not tox shops.  Potential suspects: 81412 Ashkenazy panel fell from $2448 to $1591, and 81443   pan ethnic carrier panel fell from the same $2448 to even lower new rate, $1461.  

The 1,800 in Between

The unclustered providers include the biggest single losers in dollars: Aegis ($33 million, −36%) and Millennium ($21 million, −35%), just outside the Big Loser cutoff. Myriad ($34 million, −25%), Silverpath, and Genview sit just right of the Loser peak. Prince Laboratories ($61 million, −9.7%) and Reliable Results ($33 million, −9%) sit between the Average peak and the Winners. This is where the large, diversified, multi-code operators live; their position is a weighted blend of the four archetypes.

What Is Going On: A Microeconomist's Reading

PAMA sets each code's price at the volume-weighted median of private-payer payments for that code. Specialty never enters the formula. The specialty sorting is therefore a second-order effect: specialties run characteristic code portfolios, and the codes face characteristically different commercial markets. The question is why those markets differ so much.

The Winners: When You Are the Only Seller, the Median Is Your List Price

For a sole-source proprietary test, the "private-payer median" is not the output of a market. It is the output of one lab's contracting book. If the lab simply does not below its Medicare rate, and that rate was itself set by crosswalk, gapfill, or ADLT pricing at a level the lab proposed, the median comes back at exactly the Medicare rate and the change is exactly 0.0%. The Medicare rate holds for 2026; the same rate except paid by Medicare Advantage commercial plans rather than the MAC, pegs the rate for 2027.

The eye-care cluster at −2.00% is the same story in a different key: a single dominant code, few suppliers, a commercial price that barely moved.  Ophthalmologists receive $7M in Medicare lab payments, of which $6.2M is 88361, microfluidic tear osmolarity analysis used to diagnose and evaluate dry eye disease.  It's about $22 and fell 2%. It has no CMS controls (no articles or LCDs).

The Average Group: The Duopoly's Contracts Become Everyone's Price

For routine chemistry, hematology, and endocrine codes, the volume-weighted median is dominated by Labcorp and Quest because they bill the overwhelming majority of commercial volume. Their discounted contract rates are the median, and the median becomes the Medicare rate. The national labs land at the average cut almost tautologically. In a sense they wrote it.

The 1,200 physician practices in Group 2 are price-takers in a negotiation they never attended. An internist with an in-office analyzer did not discount CPT 80053 to Aetna; Quest did. But the internist inherits Quest's discount through Medicare. This externality is the heart of PAMA's design. Diversified across dozens of commodity codes, these practices get the blended commodity result, about −16%.

The Losers: A Prisoner's Dilemma in Which Medicare Was the Prize

Toxicology, PCR infectious-disease panels, and the urine, wound, and nail-fungus molecular codes that dominate pain, urology, podiatry, and advanced-practice billing face a fragmented commercial market with hundreds of small labs competing for the same specimens. Payers have managed these codes aggressively for a decade through lab benefit managers, prior authorization, and narrow networks.

The structure is a classic prisoner's dilemma. Each lab, chasing network access or referral flow, discounts. Each discount is individually rational. Collectively, the discounting drags the median down 28% to 30%, and PAMA then imports that median into Medicare, which for many of these labs was the best-paying customer they had. The commercial price war destroyed the Medicare price. Nobody intended it; nobody could have prevented it alone.

A selection effect compounds this. PAMA counts only claims actually paid by private payers. An out-of-network tox lab that bills $800, gets denied, and writes it off contributes nothing. The in-network labs that accepted $120 contribute everything. The median is a median of those who capitulated.

The practitioners in Group 3 are riding the same codes. A pain practice billing definitive drug testing under its own NPI, or a urology group running PCR panels in-house, has a one- or two-code CLFS portfolio. Their result is simply the code's result.

The Big Losers: Concentration Risk

Group 4 is Group 3 without diversification. An NP with $80,000 in Medicare lab revenue has it in one or two codes, and if those were the codes where the commercial market collapsed most completely, the practice gets the full cliff.

The genetics labs are the puzzle. Invitae and Baylor Miraca at −40% or worse does not fit the tox story. Either these NPIs carry a narrow set of panel or cytogenetic codes that high-volume competitors undercut dramatically, or the corporate flagships sit elsewhere and these are satellites with unrepresentative portfolios. Either way, the lesson matches the pain practices: in a per-code median system, a concentrated portfolio is an undiversified bet on one commercial market.

The Timing Game

We do know:  Because cuts are capped at 15% per year, the difference between a −28% lab and a −43% lab does not appear in payment until 2029 or 2030. That is three to four years in which every actor in the losing groups has the incentive and the time to respond: migrate toward codes with smaller adjustments, restructure which NPI bills what, shift volume to the physician fee schedule where possible, exit the worst codes, consolidate, or lobby for another delay. Goodhart's Law [when a measure is treated like 'the target] applies in full. The fully-phased histogram projects what happens if everyone holds still, and in the losing groups nobody will.

Conclusion

The fully-phased PAMA distribution is not a bell curve with a mean of −16%. It is four economic regimes on one axis. The proprietary molecular sector controls its own median and sits at zero. Mainstream medicine inherits the national labs' discounts and sits at the headline average. The toxicology and PCR-panel sector, with the specialties that bill those codes, competed its commercial prices down and now watches Medicare follow, near −28%. A thin tail of one-code portfolios absorbs 40% or more.

The most useful fact in the data may be the corporate one: the same company occupies three groups under three NPIs. PAMA does not sort providers by size, leverage, or sophistication. It sorts them by code, and the codes sort by the structure of the commercial market each lives in. That is a very different policy from the one Congress thought it wrote in 2014, when the premise was that Medicare overpaid for lab tests across the board. What it built instead is a transmission line that imports each commercial sub-market's competitive structure, monopoly and price war alike, into the Medicare fee schedule, one code at a time.

[claude fable, output #2]